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Russia, China and US

IF ANYBODY had any doubts about new Russian President Dimitry Medvedev continuing his predecessor’s stiff foreign policy stance, particularly towards the United States, such concerns should present themselves no more.

Also, going to China on his first official outing reflected strong mutual ties carefully nurtured by Putin, but Medvedev’s signing of a joint statement with Chinese counterpart Hu Jintao, condemning America’s missile defence shield in Europe, marks the emergence of new defined power structures in the international political arena.

Here’s the fine point of it. America continues to defend the programme as essential for its own security as well as its allies. Norms of international diplomacy imply that those opposing such a venture, especially on the lines that it threatens them instead of perceived enemies, would not exactly be taken as the friendliest of entities. China and Russia already frustrate America’s designs of pressuring Iran into abandoning its uranium enrichment drive, the country Washington holds responsible for the very basic reason of the interceptor missiles in Europe, adding to the complexities and more or less clearly defining interest groups.

Now, Japan sides with the US on the issue, and Washington looked to hop India onto the bandwagon by offering civilian nuclear technology before domestic coalition concerns upset the deal.

On the other hand Russia and China stand firmly against it, advocating a reduction in arms races and holding the missile move as contrary to non-proliferation objectives.

As the differences grow, Europe and particularly Asia are expected to fall into blocs for and against what Russia holds the sole superpower’s ‘hegemonic designs’. Clearly, the confrontation set in motion by Vladimir Putin in Munich in February last year has vindicated stakeholders fearing a scenario reminiscent of the old Cold War days.