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Plot that must fail

US authorities hastily joined the action, also claiming a decisive victory over the plotters, thanks in part to the quick thinking of and awesome coordination between all US security and intelligence branches. Britain congratulated the US; the US thanked Britain; both saluted Pakistan and its ever-loyal leadership, itself conducting a brutal war against undefined, shadowy groups that emerge and vanish, all too conveniently, too neatly.

Moments after the shocking announcement, as security threat levels reached their peak in the US and Britain, the debate commenced and it relentlessly continues: why would a British Muslim choose such a destructive path while living in a democratic society, where change, at least theoretically, is possible through peaceful means?

The media also sprung into action, ready-to-serve answers were handily provided by the usual experts, gathered instantly to infuse more of the conventional wisdom to a confused public. Attempts to contextualise terrorism within a political milieu were decidedly torpedoed. Despite years of war, that seem to have achieved nothing but ‘mass murder’ on an ‘unimaginable’ scale, no one should dare explain the true roots of terrorism.

One may explain why poor neighbourhoods in America yield greater crime rates than others, or why abused children become abusers themselves, or even why US soldiers in Iraq often ‘snap’ and massacre entire families, but terrorism that involves Muslims should not be discussed outside its useful parameters of a misguided generation with a radical interpretation of religion: the Islam that produces ‘Muslim fascists’ as President George Bush termed it.

Very few moderate, yet sensible voices are often consulted in such debates. British media proves no exception, examining the viewpoints of the utterly fundamentalist or the utterly liberal. The first wants a return to the Islamic caliphate, with London as its capital, and the latter dismisses as hogwash the attempt to examine the government’s foreign policy as a reason of radicalisation, searing among an already embattled and alienated young Muslim generation. Both schools of thought seem to represent a handful.

Expectedly, a letter that was signed by three Muslim MPs and 38 organisations accusing Prime Minister Tony Blair’s foreign policy on Iraq, and his support of the Israeli carnage in Lebanon of "putting civilians at increased risk both in the UK and abroad" hardly changed anything.

British Home Secretary John Reid found the mere link unacceptable and many others followed suit. If anything, the terror plot will strengthen the argument of those eager to harden terror laws, widen the gap between people from different religions, but most dangerously, give yet another vote of confidence in those who champion war as a solution to conflict.

Merely a week before the alleged plot was impeded, one hundred thousand people in London marched in protest of the British government’s position, but particularly that of Blair in support of Israel’s war of ‘self-defence’ in Lebanon. Hundreds of protesters threw children’s shoes near the door steps of the Prime Minister’s residence on 10 Downing Street. They were meant to symbolise the number of children killed in this war, mostly by the Israeli army.

I gazed at the memorial made primarily of colourful shoes as I held Lebanese and Palestinian flags. Thinking of the tiny bodies of hundreds of children mingled underneath tons of concrete in Lebanon and Gaza gave me that ever familiar chill of dejection. Only the nudge of a police officer to my shoulder forced me to march along.

What is radicalisation but a culmination of bitterness, resentment and anger, that lurk desperately inside, which often translate to the most despicable of behaviour: terrorism? But if terrorism is killing innocent civilians to achieve political ends, then how else can one explain the American-British war on Iraq with a death toll that has comfortably passed the 100,000 mark? Or the ongoing war in Afghanistan? Or Israel’s wars in Palestine and Lebanon, and the funding or abetting of these wars by the US and British governments?

Is it not rational to deduce that the ‘mass murder’ in the Middle East, happening at such an ‘unimaginable’ scale could possibly lead to the culmination of bitterness, resentment, anger and radicalisation that would unavoidably yield terrorism? And since Muslims seem to be the primary recipients of this mass murder, is it not equally rational to expect that the perpetrators of such terrorist acts might be mostly Muslims?

The insistence on disallowing this argument as one imparted primarily by terror ‘apologists’ is often induced with equal determination to prolong the terrorising wars, of which civilians are the primary victim. A change of course might be understood as bowing to the terrorists —as Spain is often accused of —thus the carnage in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan must continue. This seems to be the underlying logic in refusing to acknowledge the urgency of a fundamental shift in foreign policy, in Britain as well as in the United States.

Those who cautiously attempted to link the terrorist acts of September 11 to America’s political, financial and military support of the state of Israel, were dismissed, even shunned whenever they disseminated their logic. Only the drums of war were allowed to be heard. Now, nearly five years later: are we any closer to global peace and tranquility? How many more lives must be wasted, how much more blood must be shed, and how many more children’s shoes must be piled up on Downing Street to realise that cluster bombs don’t hold the keys to peace, nor do the torture camps of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo?

One must not accept the logic of those who believe that blowing up innocent travellers is a prudent response to blowing up Lebanese children seeking shelter in a half standing building in south Lebanon, however inhumane. But to continue to pretend that those who carry out acts of ‘mass murder’ at an ‘unimaginable’ scale in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East are not perpetrators of terrorism themselves —whether directly or by inspiring a cycle of terrorist responses —is to resign to doing nothing in defence of the innocent, be they British, Palestinian or Lebanese. That, I believe, is equally repugnant.

Ramzy Baroud is a US author and journalist, currently based in London. His recent book, The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle (Pluto Press, London) is now available at Amazon.com. He is also the Editor-in-Chief of PalestineChronicle.com