Iraq will benefit from closer ties with Arab countries

Al Kadhimi's assertive policy of non-interference symbolises a moment of hope in steering Tehran away from Iraq's domestic politics

Two months after being declared the Prime Minister of Iraq Mustafa Al Kadhimi made his first state visit to the Islamic Republic of Iran to meet the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. 
Al Kadhimi asserted a rhetoric of "non-interference in the affairs of Iraq," hinting that it is unlikely for Khamenei to gain the political support necessary for Iran to continue its influence and meddling in Iraq's current affairs. 
Al Kadhimi has demonstrated the political will to dismantle Iranian-backed militias as a rationale for establishing a legitimate statehood and backtracking from the sectarian violence that has been plaguing Iraq for many years. Indeed, Iraqi forces in June raided the Iran-backed Kataib Hezbollah base and detained 14 of its members. 
In a string of official statements released by Khamenei, there were claims made that Iran has never and will never seek to meddle in Iraq's internal affairs, though previous indications prove otherwise. Militias across Iraq are backed by Iran, and there are strong ties to several factions within the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU) that import components of Iran's political ideology into Iraq's political scene.
Al Kadhimi's assertive policy of non-interference symbolises a moment of hope in steering Tehran away from Iraq's domestic politics - a symbolic move that has not been adopted in the post-Saddam Hussein era. Al Kadhimi is taking political action on behalf of the Iraqi people that amongst other social grievances, protested against Iran's influence and interference in Iraq's internal affairs during the anti-government uprisings in October 2019.
The question is, how far should Al Kadhimi steer away from Tehran if he is to fulfil his ambitions of promoting statehood, law and order, and territorial integrity in Iraq? 
Al Kadhami wants peace, sovereignty and stability for Iraq: Iran cannot provide this nor lead as an example of it. 
It is important to also highlight that Arab identification is missing between Iran and Iraq. Iran will never be able to fill this missing gap because the foundations of the Iranian regime relies on Persian supremacy and identity. Although Iran shares religious ties with Iraq, Shiism has not always been a point of conception for Iraqi's political identity, whereas Arabism has remained throughout its history. Thus, by the virtue of the fact Arab identification exists in both Saudi Arabia and Iraq, it could orient towards strengthened relations between the two countries. 
Saudi Arabia would be a better fit as a close regional ally since the kingdom is undergoing political reforms, unlike the Iranian regime that are hesitant and lack the political will to fight corruption or regulate the conservative nature of the state. In November 2017, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman led the anti-corruption campaign, a historical landmark for the kingdom that oversaw public servants being investigated and arrested. Saudi Arabia has to date continued its anti-corruption work, and moved towards other political reforms. For example, the country has defanged the religious police, allowed women to travel without male consent, eased gender segregation in public, abolished flogging and ended the death penalty for minors. 
Political reforms such as these are almost impossible in Iran, and the regime only sets as an example for Iraq to setback on its progress rather than going forward. 
Iran's 17 years of close relations with Iraq failed to serve the interests of the Iraqi population and became a source of consequential political violence and social division. In order to uphold its integrity, Iraq must begin to reconsider strengthening its ties with other regional allies that are economically and socially in a better position than Iran to facilitate a positive change for Iraqi society. 
 
Maedeh Sharifi is a researcher based in the UAE